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AUTHOR: 


DUCKETT,  ELEANOR 


TITLE: 


INFLUENCE  OF 

ALEXANDRIAN  POETRY 


PLACE: 

S.L 

DA  TE : 


» 


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PRESERVATION  DEPARTMENT 


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MMO:      OR:     POL:     DM 

040  NNC}:cNNC 

100  10  Duckett,  Eleanor  S. 

?nn  ^^  351^34^^  ""^  alexandrian  poetry  upon  the  Aeneid^h[microforml. 

ORIG 
08-21-91 


II:? 
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TECHNICAL  MICROFORM  DATA 

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INFLUENCE  OF  ALEXANDRIAN  POETRY  UPON  THE 

AENEID 


By  Eleanor  S.  Duckett 
Western  College,  Oxford,  Ohio 


The  Uterary  influence  of  the  Alexandrians  upon  Vergil's  work  is 
no  new  subject;  it  has  been  indeed  the  happy  hunting-ground  of 
editors,  commentators,  and  Doctors-elect.    But  these  researches 
have  endeavored  rather  to  point  out  signs  of  direct  influence: 
verbal  resemblances  in  Uterary  descriptions,  suniJes,  and  phrases 
consaously  or  half-consciously  borrowed  by  Vergil  to  adorn  his 
verse.    No  one  as  yet,  I  think,  has  adequately  traced  the  indirect 
influence  of  the  literary  atmosphere,  charged  with  Alexandrian 
elements,  upon  the  poet  who  grew  up  in  its  midst;  an  atmosphere, 
as  recent  discussions  of  the  Ciris,  the  Culex,  and  the  Catakpta  have 
shown,  diffusing  inquiries  on  phenomena  both  psychical  and  physi- 
cal, conscious  efforts  toward  an  understanding  of  the  natures  of 
men  and  of  things,  and  efforts,  equally  conscious,  toward  the  repro- 
duction of  thought  in  fitting  form.    It  was  impossible  that  the 
man  whose  early  youth  was  trained  amid  these  elements  should 
fail  to  show  in  his  riper  work  marks  of  the  Alexandrian  school  in  a 
keener  insight  into  the  minds  of  men,  a  greater  curiosity  concerning 
the  things  of  Nature,  and  a  HveUer  appreciation  of  art.    In  tracing 
this  indirect  and  subtle  connection,  there  is  matter  for  deep  and 
detailed  study;  here  I  am  only  attempting  to  outline  by  way  of 
preparation  some  of  the  better  known  Hellenistic  features  which 
Vergil  seems  to  reproduce  in  the  A  eneid.    I  have  omitted  considera- 
tion of  Book  iv,  as  essentially  Alexandrian  in  type,  and  of  Book  vi, 
as  fully  discussed  in  Norden's  work. 

Prominent  among  Hellenisric  traits  is  the  absence  in  epic  and 
epyUion  of  the  childlike  impersonality  of  the  Homeric  narrative, 
and  the  fresh  spontaneity  of  its  characters.  Poet  and  people 
inevitably  turn  their  thoughts  inward  upon  themselves;  the  whole 
atmosphere  is  intensely  self-conscious.  The  author  of  the  Ciris 
is  torn  between  the  desire  to  glorify  his  master  and  the  consciousness 

333 


334 


THE  CLASSICAL  JOURNAL 


that  his  power  is  not  yet  ripe  for  the  work.    A  similar  trait  marks 

the  opening  of  the  Culex;  Horace  later  on  continues  this  artificial 

modesty.    ApoUonius  is  reluctant  to  sing  of  horrors;    at  times 

reverence  (occasionally  very  conveniently  for  his  art)  withholds  his 

song,  he  avows,  or  makes  him  dubious  to  tell  his  tale.    Vergil  is 

conscious  that  virtue  goes  forth  from  his  song: 

Nee  tu  canninibus  nostris  indictus  abibis, 
Oebale  .... 

and: 

Non  ego  te,  Ligurum  ductor  fortissime  bello, 
transierim  .  .  .  .  ; 

yet  also  his  consciousness  is  tempered  by  judgment  on  the  power 

of  his  work,  either  direct: 

Fortunati  ambo!  si  quid  mea  carmina  possunt, 
nulla  dies  unquam  memori  vos  eximet  aevo; 

or  more  general: 

Hie  mortis  durae  easum  tuaque  optima  faeta 
si  qua  fidem  tanto  est  open  latura  vetustas, 
non  equidem  nee  te,  iuvenis  memorande,  silebo. 

The  verses  included  in  the  Oxford  text  as  preliminary  to  the  Aeneid 
give  a  touch  of  personal  history  which  links  present  to  past  in  the 
author's  life:  as  present  is  Unked  with  past  in  the  opening  of  the 
CiriSj  and  present  with  future  in  that  of  the  Culex.  Ennius  opens 
his  Annates  with  a  personal  touch,  borrowed,  we  may  believe,  from 
Callimachus;  and  Horace  opens  his  Epistles  with  his  recall  from  the 
philosophy  of  the  present  to  the  poetry  of  the  past. 

The  Hellenistic  poet  interrupts  his  epic  narrative  with  his  own 
reflections.  ApoUonius  bursts  into  pity  at  the  fate  of  the  women 
of  Lemnos  or  into  indignant  accusation  of  pitiless  Love;  he  laments 
that  we  men  ever  suffer  joy  mingled  with  pain  and  lie  at  the 
mercy  of  terrors  unknown.  Theocritus  laments  the  temerity  of 
lovers,  or  voices  his  thought  on  religion.  Vergil  expresses  in  like 
manner  his  Stoic  views:  in  persona  poetae,  pity  for  human  igno- 
rance and  folly  in  prosperity,  and,  through  the  Hps  of  Aeneas,  con- 
tempt for  riches,  or,  elsewhere,  the  futility  of  struggle  against 
Fate;  he,  also,  breaks  out  into  pity  at  the  fall  of  Pallas.  A  similar 
detail  appears  in  the  use  of  the  single  epithet:  (tx^tXios  is  used  by 
Callimachus  in  describing  the  victims  of  Artemis'  wrath  and  the 


ALEXANDRIAN  POETRY  AND  THE  ''AENEID'*  335 

rash  Teiresias,  by  ApoUonius  in  describing  Medea;  so  infelix  or 
miser  heul  or  visu  miserahile  or  demens  or  felix  in  the  Latin  epylUon 
(as  Jackson  notes,  Harvard  Studies,  XXIV);  so  in  the  Aeneid. 

Akm  to  these  traces  of  self-consciousness  is  the  poet's  custom 
of  addressing  himself,  his  characters,  or  his  readers.  Callimachus 
mterrupts  his  story  of  Acontius  and  Cydippe  to  rebuke  himself- 
Callimachus,  ApoUonius,  and  the  poet  of  the  Ciris  address  those 
of  whom  they  are  writing;  the  Aeneid  frequently  shows  the  same 
practice,  and  even  cases  in  which  persons  mentioned  in  description 
are  directly  addressed.  Direct  address  to  the  reader  is  a  feature 
of  ecphrasis  in  the  poetry  of  ApoUonius  and  of  Moschus,  and  in  the 
Aeneid;  the  Homeric  description  of  Achilles'  shield  does  not  con- 
tain this  detail. 

But  far  more  self-conscious  than  even  the  poet  himself  are  the 
characters  on  his  stage,  men,  and  gods  aUke.     The  Medea  of 
ApoUonius,  Simaetha,  and  the  Maid  of  the  GrenfeU  Fragment  find 
their  Latin  counterpart  (excluding  Dido)  in  Ariadne,  ScyUa,  and 
Amata;  Juno  reviews  herself  objectively  in  the  first  and  in  the 
seventh  book  of  the  Aeneid,  as  Artemis  in  the  hymn  addressed  to 
her;  both  Vergil  and  CalHmachus  use  the  objective  proper  name 
mstead  of  the  first  personal  pronoun  here.    So  Polyphemus  in 
Theocritus'  eleventh  idyU  consciously  reviews  his  own  good  and 
bad  points,  and  even  breaks  out  into  exhortation  addressed  to 
himself.    Medea  speaks  of  herself  with  pity;  Jackson  notes  that  the 
heroines  of  the  Latin  epyllion  do  the  same;   so  do  Juno,  baffled 
m  her  design,  Amata  in  her  rage,  and  Evandrus  in  his  sorrow. 
The  height  of  self-consciousness  is  reached  in  the  words  of  Vergil's 
hero: 

.Sum  pius  Aeneas,  raptos  qui  ex  hoste  penatis 
classe  veho  mecum,  fama  super  aethera  notus. 

As  in  HeUenistic  poetry,  so  throughout  the  Aeneid,  action  is  the 
handmaid  of  feeUng  and  dramatic  play.  The  struggles  between 
right  and  wrong  in  the  mind  of  Medea  and  of  Scylla  are  of  much 
greater  importance  than  the  deeds  which  foUow.  The  varying 
emotions  of  Jason  and  of  Aeneas  are  pictured  in  graphic  detail. 
The  most  stirring  story  in  the  Aeneid— the  FaU  of  Troy— is  placed 
where  it  may  directly  move  the  heart  of  Dido;  and  yet  this  story 


336 


THE  CLASSICAL  JOURNAL 


Itself  is  a  record  of  mental  struggle,  between  Laocoon  and  Sinon, 
between  Aeneas'  own  desire  and  the  bidding  of  Fate,  between 
Anchises  and  Aeneas,  between  Aeneas'  impulse  to  flee  and  his 
longing  to  seek  his  wife.  The  consummation  of  the  Aeneid — the 
fall  of  Turnus — is  given  but  insignificant  place  in  comparison  with 
the  analysis  of  the  sufferings  of  Tumus'  mind  as,  despite  himself, 
he  gradually  draws  nearer  to  his  death,  a  death  which  he  owes 
directly  to  the  issue  of  conflict  in  Aeneas'  mind.  It  would  be  hard 
to  find  in  so  small  a  space  greater  play  of  feeling  than  the  few  words 

toward  the  end  give  to  Turnus: 

aestuat  ingens 
uno  in  corde  pudor  mixtoque  insania  luctu 
et  funis  agitatus  amor  et  conscia  virtus. 

Heinze  has  remarked  that  the  motives  which  induce  the  actions 
of  Vergil's  characters  are  usually  made  clear  in  speeches;    but 
there  are  exceptions  to  this  rule.    It  is  significant  that  a  student  of 
CalHmachus  should  begin  his  poem  with  the  appeal: 
Musa,  mihi  causas  memora  .... 

The  Trojans,  as  they  see  the  flames  of  Dido's  pyre,  discuss  their 
unhappy  cause;  the  poet  himself  discusses  the  motives  which  lead 
Nautes  to  give  his  counsel  regarding  the  Trojan  weaklings,  which 
influence  Latinus  to  welcome  Aeneas,  and  the  Rutuli  to  follow 
Turnus.  Heinze  mentions  the  detailed  motives  assigned  for  the 
pursuit  of  Chloreus  by  Camilla  as  savoring  of  the  pragmatic  his- 
torian, and  characterizes  the  incident — that  of  Silvia's  stag — which 
Vergil  introduced  into  tradition  for  the  more  immediate  deriving 
of  the  great  war,  as  distinctly  Hellenistic  in  nature.  To  these 
touches  correspond  the  detailed  investigation  of  motive  in  the 
Coma  Berenices,  the  careful  attempt  to  explain  the  deed  of  Scylla 
in  the  Ciris,  and  the  double  motive  assigned  in  the  same  poem  for 
Carme's  decision  to  help  the  girl. 

Alexandrian  poetry,  as  is  well  known,  tends  to  the  clear  dis- 
tinguishing of  types  of  human  charapter,  and  Heinze  has  noted  the 
graphic  touches  that  in  the  Aeneid  mark  nation,  age,  and  sex. 
Among  these  types  a  prominent  place  is  given  to  those  which  allow 
of  emotional  display,  and  persons  of  minor  importance  are  intro- 
duced to  lead  up  to  this  element:  as  Hylas,  Alcimede,  Gorgo,  and 


ALEXANDRIAN  POETRY  AND  THE  ''AENEID''  337 

Praxinoe;  Aegeus,  Amata,  Nisus,  and  Euryalus.    The  erotic  pas- 
sages of  the  Aeneid  need  deeper  probing  than  this  paper  will  admit 
of;  one  may  note  erotic  language  appHed  exactly  to  the  description 
of  the  passionate  anger  of  Amata.    Sorrow  is  described  by  means 
of  the  conventional  lament  of  parent  for  son;   as  Alcimede  and 
Aegeus  mourn,  so  do  Evandrus  (twice),  the  mother  of  Euryalus,  and 
Amata.    It  is  in  order  that  the  son  should  be  an  only  one,  the 
comfort  of  his  parents'  old  age,  that  death  should  be  held  preferable 
to  this  loss,  that  men  or  maids  should  surround  the  mourner  to 
render  sympathy  or  aid.    The  story  of  Achaemenides  is  intro- 
duced by  Vergil  in  order  to  excite  sympathy  with  suffering;   in 
miserable  appearance  and  pitiful  supplication  the  Greek  resembles 
Phineus  among  the  Argonauts:  realistic  detail  deepens  the  impres- 
sion in  each  case.    Horror  is  inspired,  as  the  Alexandrians  loved  to 
inspire  it,  by  the  battle  in  burning  Troy  and  the  violence  of  Pyrrhus' 
deeds;  crude  force  awakens  wonder  in  the  wanton  slaughter  of  the 
ox  by  Entellus  during  the  funeral  games.    The  supernatural  is 
called  into  play  to  further  this  cathartic  effect.    The  Hellenistic 
metamorphosis  appears  in  the  tale  of  the  changing  of  the  ships  into 
nymphs;  in  the  story  of  Polydorus,  which,  with  its  realistic  detail, 
has  a  peculiarly  Alexandrian  tinge;  in  the  reference  to  the  changing 
of  the  followers  of  Diomedes  into  birds,  and  to  the  transformation 
of  Picus  by  Circe  under  the  influence  of  love  into  a  woodpecker;  and 
in  the  story  of  Cycnus,  changed  into  a  swan  through  grief  at  the 
loss  of  his  beloved  Phaethon.    The  last  two  among  these  stories  are 
told  in  greater  detail  in  that  storehouse  of  Hellenistic  tales,  Ovid's 
Metamorphoses;  the  story  of  Phaethon  was  popular  among  the  Hel- 
lenistic and  neoteric  poets.   The  marvelous  attack  of  theHarpies,  the 
settling  of  Sleep  upon  the  stern  of  Aeneas'  boat,  and  his  besprink- 
ling of  Palinurus  with  drops  from  the  magic  branch,  all  find  their 
counterpart   in  ApoUonius.    The  meeting  of  Aeneas  with   the 
nymphs,  once  his  ships,  in  the  quiet  moonlight  on  the  sea,  and  the 
fanciful  tale  of  Camilla's  flight  over  the  river,  with  her  consequent 
dedication  to  the  silvan  goddess,  seem  also  to  point  to  Alexandrian 
influence. 

^  Not  only  the  supernatural,  but  Nature  also,  is  closely  allied 
with  human  feeling.    All  Nature  mourns  for  Daphnis,  for  Adonis, 


336 


THE  CLASSICAL  JOURNAL 


itself  is  a  record  of  mental  struggle,  between  Laocoon  and  Sinon, 
between  Aeneas*  own  desire  and  the  bidding  of  Fate,  between 
Anchises  and  Aeneas,  between  Aeneas'  impulse  to  flee  and  his 
longing  to  seek  his  wife.  The  consummation  of  the  Aeneid — the 
fall  of  Turnus — is  given  but  insignificant  place  in  comparison  with 
the  analysis  of  the  sufferings  of  Tumus'  mind  as,  despite  himself, 
he  gradually  draws  nearer  to  his  death,  a  death  which  he  owes 
directly  to  the  issue  of  conflict  in  Aeneas'  mind.  It  would  be  hard 
to  find  in  so  small  a  space  greater  play  of  f eehng  than  the  few  words 

toward  the  end  give  to  Turnus : 

aestuat  ingens 
uno  in  corde  pudor  mixtoque  insania  luctu 
et  funis  agitatus  amor  et  conscia  virtus. 

Heinze  has  remarked  that  the  motives  which  induce  the  actions 
of  VergiFs  characters  are  usually  made  clear  in  speeches;    but 
there  are  exceptions  to  this  rule.    It  is  significant  that  a  student  of 
CalHmachus  should  begin  his  poem  with  the  appeal: 
Musa,  mihi  causas  memora  .... 

The  Trojans,  as  they  see  the  flames  of  Dido's  pyre,  discuss  their 
unhappy  cause;  the  poet  himself  discusses  the  motives  which  lead 
Nautes  to  give  his  counsel  regarding  the  Trojan  weaklings,  which 
influence  Latinus  to  welcome  Aeneas,  and  the  Rutuli  to  follow 
Turnus.  Heinze  mentions  the  detailed  motives  assigned  for  the 
pursuit  of  Chloreus  by  Camilla  as  savoring  of  the  pragmatic  his- 
torian, and  characterizes  the  incident — that  of  Silvia's  stag — which 
Vergil  introduced  into  tradition  for  the  more  inmiediate  deriving 
of  the  great  war,  as  distinctly  Hellenistic  in  nature.  To  these 
touches  correspond  the  detailed  investigation  of  motive  in  the 
Coma  Berenices f  the  careful  attempt  to  explain  the  deed  of  Scylla 
in  the  CiriSj  and  the  double  motive  assigned  in  the  same  poem  for 
Carme's  decision  to  help  the  girl. 

Alexandrian  poetry,  as  is  well  known,  tends  to  the  clear  dis- 
tinguishing of  types  of  human  character,  and  Heinze  has  noted  the 
graphic  touches  that  in  the  Aeneid  mark  nation,  age,  and  sex. 
Among  these  types  a  prominent  place  is  given  to  those  which  allow 
of  emotional  display,  and  persons  of  minor  importance  are  intro- 
duced to  lead  up  to  this  element:  as  Hylas,  Alcimede,  Gorgo,  and 


ALEXANDRIAN  POETRY  AND  THE  ''AENEID''  337 

Praxinoe;  Aegeus,  Amata,  Nisus,  and  Euryalus.    The  erotic  pas- 
sages of  the  Aeneid  need  deeper  probing  than  this  paper  will  admit 
of;  one  may  note  erotic  language  applied  exactly  to  the  description 
of  the  passionate  anger  of  Amata.     Sorrow  is  described  by  means 
of  the  conventional  lament  of  parent  for  son;    as  Alcimede  and 
Aegeus  mourn,  so  do  Evandrus  (twice),  the  mother  of  Euryalus,  and 
Amata.    It  is  in  order  that  the  son  should  be  an  only  one,  the 
comfort  of  his  parents'  old  age,  that  death  should  be  held  preferable 
to  this  loss,  that  men  or  maids  should  surround  the  mourner  to 
render  sympathy  or  aid.    The  story  of  Achaemenides  is  intro- 
duced by  Vergil  in  order  to  excite  sympathy  with  suffering;   in 
miserable  appearance  and  pitiful  supplication  the  Greek  resembles 
Phineus  among  the  Argonauts:  reaUstic  detail  deepens  the  impres- 
sion in  each  case.    Horror  is  inspired,  as  the  Alexandrians  loved  to 
inspire  it,  by  the  battle  in  burning  Troy  and  the  violence  of  Pyrrhus' 
deeds;  crude  force  awakens  wonder  in  the  wanton  slaughter  of  the 
ox  by  Entellus  during  the  funeral  games.    The  supernatural  is 
called  into  play  to  further  this  cathartic  effect.     The  Hellenistic 
metamorphosis  appears  in  the  tale  of  the  changing  of  the  ships  into 
nymphs;  in  the  story  of  Polydorus,  which,  with  its  realistic  detail, 
has  a  peculiarly  Alexandrian  tinge;  in  the  reference  to  the  changing 
of  the  followers  of  Diomedes  into  birds,  and  to  the  transformation 
of  Picus  by  Circe  under  the  influence  of  love  into  a  woodpecker;  and 
in  the  story  of  Cycnus,  changed  into  a  swan  through  grief  at  the 
loss  of  his  beloved  Phaethon.    The  last  two  among  these  stories  are 
told  in  greater  detail  in  that  storehouse  of  Hellenistic  tales,  Ovid's 
Metamorphoses;  the  story  of  Phaethon  was  popular  among  the  Hel- 
lenistic and  neoteric  poets.   The  marvelous  attack  of  the  Harpies,  the 
settling  of  Sleep  upon  the  stern  of  Aeneas'  boat,  and  his  besprink- 
ling of  Palinurus  with  drops  from  the  magic  branch,  all  find  their 
counterpart  in  ApoUonius.    The  meeting  of  Aeneas  with  the 
nymphs,  once  his  ships,  in  the  quiet  moonlight  on  the  sea,  and  the 
fanciful  tale  of  Camilla's  flight  over  the  river,  with  her  consequent 
dedication  to  the  silvan  goddess,  seem  also  to  point  to  Alexandrian 
influence. 

^  Not  only  the  supernatural,  but  Nature  also,  is  closely  allied 
with  human  feeling.    All  Nature  mourns  for  Daphnis,  for  Adonis, 


338 


THE  CLASSICAL  JOURNAL 


for  Bion;  in  Callimachus'  verse  Nature  is  transformed  into  gold 
at  Apollo's  birth,  or  fears  the  wrath  of  Ares;  river  rejoices  in 
Artemis  and  sea  keeps  silence  before  Apollo.  So  in  the  Aeneid: 
Nature  weeps  for  the  loss  of  the  fallen  Umbro,  and  quakes  with 
terror  at  the  exploits  of  Hercules,  or  the  cry  of  AUecto,  a  touch 
borrowed  directly  from  ApoUonius;  the  Tiber  ebbs  in  fear  at  the 
change  worked  in  the  ships,  or  marvels  at  the  Trojan  vessels  as  it 
aids  them  to  reach  their  journey's  end.  The  winds  sink  when 
Aeneas  approaches  the  mouth  of  the  Tiber,  his  goal;  when  he 
touches  the  gruesome  land  of  the  Cyclops  no  stars  shine  in  the 
sky,  and  untimely  Night  holds  the  moon  under  a  cloud:  of  evil 
intention  and  hostile  character  are  the  approaches  and  woods 
where  Tumus  lies  in  ambush.  The  Euphrates  owns  allegiance  to 
Caesar,  as  the  rivers  stay  their  flow  to  do  Messalla  reverence.  The 
steadfast  course  of  Nature  in  her  familiar  road  symbolizes  that 
which  is  familiar  and  welcome  among  men;  discord  in  Nature 
sympathizes  with  strange  and  sad  happenings  in  the  human  world. 
The  glory  of  Dido  shall  remain  as  long  as  rivers,  shadows,  and  stars 
shall  hold  their  appointed  place;  Aufidus  flees  backward,  declares 
Tumus,  when  Greeks  fear  Trojan  arms,  and  a  conquered  race  pre- 
vails: so  Daphnis  bids  all  Nature  run  riot,  since  he  must  die. 

The  mention  of  flowers  occurs  in  passages  tinged  with  emotion. 
Theocritus  stays  his  verse  to  tell  the  grasses  around  the  well  where 
Hylas  falls  to  the  arms  of  the  Nymphs;  Europa  meets  the  bull  as 
she  plays  among  the  hyacinths,  the  roses,  and  the  violets  of  spring; 
Meleager  weaves  the  same  flowers  into  his  garland  of  love;  and 
they  keep  fragrant  the  memory  of  the  gnat.  In  the  Aeneid  Venus 
carries  the  sleeping  Ascanius  in  her  arms  to  Idalia,  where  the  soft 
amaracus  blows;  Aeneas  throws  crimson  flowers  upon  Anchises' 
grave;  Euryalus  fades  in  death  as  a  crimson  flower  cut  down  by 
the  plow.  It  is  the  picture  of  Catullus'  love,  cut  down  by  the 
passing  plow  at  the  meadow's  end,  as  the  body  of  Pallas,  laid  out 
like  a  soft  violet  or  hyacinth  reaped  by  a  girl's  thumb,  recalls 
Catullus'  flower  that  has  escaped  the  plow,  only  to  die  plucked 
by  the  hand.  Propertius  and  Ovid,  as  Merrill  notes,  have  the  same 
touch.  The  blush  on  Lavinia's  cheek  as  she  stands  before  her  lover 
resembles  the  crimson  lily  mingled  with  the  rose;  Ennius  prefers 
crimson  mingled  with  milk. 


ALEXANDRIAN  POETRY  AND  THE  ''AENEID'' 


339 


Although  Vergil  himself  loved  country  hfe,  rustic  touches  in  his 
work  fuUy  agree  with  the  Alexandrian  narrative.    From  Apollonius 
he  takes  the  picture  of  the  beekeeper  driving  out  his  bees  from  the 
rock;  in  confused  terror  they  run  throughout  the  cells,  whetting 
their  wrath  with  raucous  buzz,  while  the  smoke  rises  black  to  the 
sky.  ^  From  his  own  fourth  Georgic  he  describes  the  busy  life  of  the 
bees  in  early  summer  amid  the  fragrant  thyme.    His  own  is  the 
gUmpse  of  the  pigeon,  startled  from  her  nest  in  the  rocky  niche; 
"with  loud  cry  and  beating  wings  she  circles  round  and  round,  till 
reassured,  she  sails  away  with  wings  outstretched,  motionless;"  of 
the  swallow,  flitting  in  the  colonnades  of  a  rich  man's  home,  alight- 
ing here  and  there  to  pick  morsels  for  her  chirping  brood;  of  the 
swallows  that  twitter  at  dawn  beneath  the  eaves;  of  the  seagulls 
that  love  the  sun  upon  the  calm  beach.    Yet  Nature  is  subservient 
to  man;    these  touches  are  only  introduced  to  help  his  cause. 
Legrand  and  Heumann  point  out  that  the  Hellenistic  poets  place 
their  descriptions  of  beasts  where  they  may  heighten  dramatic 
interest  in  man.     Theocritus  depicts  the  serpents  as  they  approach 
and  hover  about  the  cradle  of  Heracles,  or  the  Nemean  lion  as  the 
eyes  of  Heracles  rest  upon  it;   Apollonius  writes  of  the  dragon: 
TOib  d'iKuraofx^poLo  Kar   byinara  viaaero  Kovprj:  so  Vergil  inserts  his 
description  of  the  serpents  between  a  double  mention  of  Laocoon. 
But  there  is  also  a  prosaic  side  of  Hellenistic  poetry.    It  begins 
with  the  appeal  to  authority,  especially  that  of  tradition:  a  practice 
followed  in  varied  form  throughout  the  Aeneid,    Opposite,  more- 
over, to  the  love  of  the  supernatural  as  inducing  emotion  runs  a 
strong  tendency  toward  the  matter-of-fact.    Legrand  has  marked 
the  little  details  which  Theocritus  adds  to  the  story  of  the  strangling 
of  the  serpents  by  Heracles  in  order  to  make  it  appear  more  prob- 
able—the age  of  the  child,  the  hour  at  which  the  deed  was  done,  the 
light  sent  by  Zeus.     In  similar  fashion  Vergil  treats  marvels,  as 
Heinze  has  shown  in  comparing  the  miraculous  healing  of  Hector  by 
Apollo  in  the  Iliad  with  that  of  Aeneas  at  Venus'  hand;  the  latter 
is  a  marvel,  but  a  marvel  naturally  worked  out.     Vergil  is  half- 
ashamed  to  tell  the  wonderful  transformation  of  the  ships,  and  must 
support  his  tale  with  reference  to  long-standing  belief;  so  Apollonius 
in  deference  to  the  Pierides  and  report  tells  of  the  bearing  of  the 
Argo  over  the  Libyan  sands. 


340 


THE  CLASSICAL  JOURNAL 


Neither  in  Apollonius  nor  in  Vergil  do  the  gods  dwell  among 

mankind  as  in  the  Homeric  day;  the  name  of  Zeus,  to  whom  mortal 

men  are  dear,  is  not,  as  in  the  Iliad,  constantly  on  their  lips,  but 

he  dwells  far  apart,  as  the  almost  impersonal  arbiter  of  Fate.    No 

idea  of  his  appearance  can  be  gathered  from  either  poet;  each 

shows  reserve  in  dealing  with  the  human  passions  of  Zeus  which 

Homer  freely  told.    Prayers  are  no  more  the  daughters  of  Zeus; 

Anchises  doubts  whether  they  avail  to  move  him.    The  Arcadians 

believe  they  have  seen  Zeus,  but  this  is  only  their  theory;  Pallas 

feels  no  fear  of  unseen  principalities  and  powers: 

Numina  nulla  premunt,  mortali  urgemur  ab  hoste 
mortales. 

The  other  gods,  with  the  exception  of  Apollo  in  the  ArgonauHca 
and  of  Venus  in  the  Aeneid,  take  very  Httle  part  in  the  action,  in 
contrast  with  their  energetic  interest,  amounting  even  to  actual 
war,  in  the  progress  of  the  battle  before  Troy.  Little  description 
is  given  concerning  them,  but  Venus,  when  she  appears  to  Aeneas, 
entirely  resembles  an  earth-born  huntress,  with  hair  disheveled, 
bare  of  knee,  and  scant  of  skirt;  when  she  manifests  herself  as  true 
goddess,  her  rose-hued  neck  shines  forth,  her  hair  exhales  sweet 
perfume,  her  dress  falls  to  her  feet — details  worthy  of  Apollonius' 
picture  of  Cypris  combing  her  hair.  This  anthropomorphic 
detail  is  approached  from  the  opposite  direction  by  the  language 
which  glorifies,  on  the  one  side  Ptolemy,  on  the  other  Caesar,  as 
worthy  of  the  honor  due  the  gods. 

The  matter-of-fact  is  only  a  manifestation  of  the  love  of  truth; 
and  keen  observation,  as  Knaack  remarked,  was  fostered  among  the 
Alexandrians  by  the  impulse  of  their  time  toward  natural  science. 
This  impulse  led  them  to  describe  minutely  what  they  saw,  both  in 
Nature  and  among  men,  and  explains  why  humble  life  is  so  promi- 
nent in  their  writings.  Herondas  describes  the  daily  Ufe  of  his 
time,  Callimachus  tells  of  the  poor  old  woman  who  gave  welcome  to 
Theseus  in  her  cottage,  and  the  rustics  who  acclaimed  his  feat; 
tells  in  homely  language  the  care  of  Artemis  for  her  horses  and 
of  Rhea  for  her  newborn  child.  Theocritus  describes  the  daily  Ufe 
of  Alcmene  and  her  babes,  or  of  (Jorgo  and  Praxinoe;  the  everyday 
pictures  of  the  Moretum  and  the  Copa  are  well  known.    In  these 


ALEXANDRIAN  POETRY  AND  THE  ''AENEW  341 

books  of  the  Aeneid  Vergil  takes  from  Apollonius  the  glimpse  of  the 
woman  who  rouses  the  sleeping  embers  of  her  fire  that  even  by  night 
she  may  toil  to  support  her  needy  family;  Aeneas'  reception  in  the 
home  of  the  thrifty  king  Evandrus  is  given  with  simple  detail. 
The  fisherman  Menoetes,  who  knew  not  rich  gifts,  recaUs  the  toilers 
of  the  sea  in  Theocritus;  from  CalUmachus  comes  the  famiUar 
picture  of  the  boys  spinning  the  top  to  which  Vergil  likens  Amata. 
A  still  more  Alexandrian  touch  is  that  of  Silvia's  pet  stag  and  its 
fate,  which  Heinze  calls  '^hellenistisch  genrehaft,"  and  would 
trace  to  some  Hellenistic  poem  teUing  of  the  story  of  Cypris,  as  in 
the  Metamorphoses  of  Ovid.  Alexandrians  among  the  writers  of  the 
Palatine  anthology  had  also  told  of  pets;  the  detail  in  Catullus  and 
later  Latin  poetry  is  known  to  all. 

In  connection  with  the  realism  of  daily  life  lie  references  to  the 
Golden  Age,  in  which  daily  Ufe  was  free  from  care.  At  one  time 
Vergil  agrees  with  Posidonius  that  the  Golden  Age  knew  no  laws; 
at  another  he  connects  the  coming  of  Saturn  with  the  happy 
mstitution  of  law  and  custom.  Among  the  novi  colores  added  by 
the  Alexandrians  to  the  myth  of  the  Golden  Age,  Graf  adds  the 
tenuis  victus  and  the  navigationis  absentia  (Leipziger  Studien,  VIII). 
The  former  motive  occurs  directly  in  Evandrus'  description  of  the 
Golden  Age  and  indirectly  in  the  description  of  the  shepherd's 
happy  Ufe  in  the  Culex;  in  the  words  telling  of  the  countrymen  of 
Remulus,  taken  from  the  second  Georgic: 

At  patiens  operum  parvoque  adsueta  iuventus; 
in  the  picture  of  the  fisherman  Menoetes : 

pauperque  domus  nee  nota  potentum  .  . 
munera  '  ' 

and  in  Vergil's  own  cry: 

auri  sacra  fames  I 

This  motive  was,  indeed,  eminently  suited  to  Vergil's  own  view 
of  Ufe.  There  is  a  hint  of  the  navigationis  absentia  in  the  query 
addressed  by  Latinus  to  the  Trojans: 

Sive  errore  viae  sive  tempestatibus  acti, 
qualia  multa  nautae  patiuntur  in  alto, 
fluminis  intrastis  ripas  portuque  sedetis. 


Quid  non  mortalia  pectora  cogis 


342 


THE  CLASSICAL  JOURNAL 


The  contrast  is  marked  between  the  peril  of  the  tossing  sea  and  the 
cahn  of  the  harbor.  Among  other  motives  Graf  notes  that  the 
change  from  plowing  as  an  unnecessary  toil  to  a  blessing  of 
civilization  was  made  by  Aratus;  Vergil  follows  him  in  his  descrip- 
tion of  human  misery  before  the  coming  of  Saturn: 

Quis  neque  mos  neque  cultus  erat,  nee  iungere  tauros 
aut  componere  opes  norant. 

The  evil  side  of  war,  so  marked  in  Tibullus,  also  appears  directly  in 
the  description  of  Evandrus;  and  indirectly  elsewhere.  That  all 
wars  shall  rightly  cease  under  the  race  of  Assaracus,  under  Caesar, 
is  the  prophecy  of  Apollo  and  of  Jupiter;  the  feeling  of  mothers, 
sisters,  and  daughters  against  the  war  with  Tumus  recalls  the 
famous  hella  matribus  detestata. 

On  turning  from  science  in  connection  with  daily  life  to  science 
as  an  end  in  itself — the  love  of  learning  with  which  the  Alexandrians 
have  always  been  connected — it  is  refreshing  to  read  MackaiPs 
vindication  of  their  poetry  as  a  struggling  to  the  light  rather  than 
a  passing  down  into  death.  Lovers  of  learning  they  undoubtedly 
were,  and  of  learning  for  its  own  sake;  yet  Mackail  can  write  of  the 
hymns  of  Callimachus  as  marked  by  a  "fastidiousness,  by  an 
instinct  for  rejection  which  almost  amounts  to  a  passion."  In 
the  Aeneid  this  instinct  is  equally  deep;  Mirmont  points  out 
cases  where  Vergil  deliberately  turns  material,  which  in  ApoUonius 
is  of  only  learned  interest,  to  the  greater  glory  of  his  country:  as 
in  the  tracing  of  the  Trojan  race  to  Crete,  and  the  glorifying  of  the 
cult  of  Cybele.  Aetiological  touches  are  plentiful;  the  three  most 
interesting  are  the  history  of  the  Ludus  Trojae,  of  Hercules  and 
Cacus,  and  of  Hippolytus,  whose  tale  Callimachus  himself  had 
told  for  the  alTwv  with  which,  as  in  other  cases,  the  narrative  in  due 
form  ends.  The  name  of  Byrsa  is  traced  to  the  bull's  hide;  of  the 
Laurentes  to  the  laurel;  of  Ardea  to  the  heron;  and  so  on.  The 
eponymous  hero  is  sometimes  mentioned:  Romulus,  Capys,  Chaon; 
and  the  Latin  name  is  preserved  for  evermore  at  Juno's  urgent 
prayer.  That  matter  of  astronomy  should  be  introduced  is  not 
surprising  in  view  of  Aratus'  wide  influence;  but,  as  Callimachus 
Vergil  brought  his  scientific  notes  into  harmony  with  his  tale.  It 
is  entirely  natural  that'  the  helmsman  Palinurus  should  scan  at 


ALEXANDRIAN  POETRY  AND  THE  ''AENEW  343 

midnight  the  stars  that  are  passing  in  the  silent  sky;  that  Pallas 
m  his  bnght  armor  should  be  Hkened  to  Lucifer  as  it  comes  from 
the  ocean  and  drives  away  the  gloom;  that  the  swing  and  clash  of 
battle  should  remind  one  of  the  hailstorm  that  rises  out  of  the  west 
under  the  rain-bringing  Kids.  lopas  entertains  the  guests  of  Dido 
with  Lucretian  questions  of  suns  and  stars,  as  Orpheus  charms  the 
Argonauts  with  stories  of  mythology;  comment  ancient  and 
modern  has  vindicated  the  choice  of  philosophic  song  at  the  queen's 
court.  Lucretian  also  is  the  description  of  the  shade  that  personates 
Aeneas: 

Morte  obita  qualis  fama  est  volitare  figuras 
aut  quae  sopitos  deludunt  somnia  sensus. 

There  is  a  matter  historical:  the  founding  of  Ardea  by  Danae  or  of 
Patavium  by  Antenor,  and  the  tracing  of  the  Kneage  of  various 
noble  houses;   geographical:   the  formation  of  the  strait  between 
Italy  and  Sicily,  the  accurate  description  of  the  fruitful  flood  of  the 
Nile,  the  definite  local  touch  which  marks  so  many  of  VergU's 
similes;    philological:    the  Greek  derivation  of  Strophades    the 
chaiiging  of  CamiUa's  name.    Alexandrian,  as  Norden  points  out, 
IS  the  msistmg  on  the  correct  version  of  a  myth,  and  he  compares 
the  msistence  in  the  story  of  Maia  (viii.  140)  with  Kaibel's  example 
m  CalUmachus  {Art,  172);  Alexandrian,  as  ApoUonius  shows,  is  the 
frequent  epithet  which  in  Vergil  marks  the  history  of  person  or  place 
Pertaming  equally  to  Vergil's  thought  and  the  form  in  which 
he  clothes  it,  is  the  art  of  the  Aeneid,  as  Heinze  has  traced  it.    This 
art,  above  all,  he  owes  to  Hellenistic  fineness  of  perception     In 
Theocntus,  also,  light  and  shadow  contrast:  realistic  with  heroic 
narrative  in  the  story  of  the  infant  Heracles,  comedy  with  tragedy 
in  the  Adomazusae.    In  ApoUonius  the  secure  joy  of  the  Colchians 
m  possession  of  the  fleece  and  their  hope  of  safe  return  is  rudely 
broken  by  terror  at  the  anger  of  Zeus;  the  misery  of  the  Syrtes 
follows  hard  upon  wedding  joy;  grief  for  Idmon  and  Tiphys  foUows 
the  mirth  of  the  feast.     The  vision  of  Apollo  at  dawn,  the  sight 
of  the  wretched  Phineus,  the  attack  of  the  bird  of  Ares,  fall  with 
sudden  joy,  pity,  and  fear  upon  the  heroes;  Medea,  the  earthborn 
men,  the  sons  of  Phrixus,  fall  suddenly  upon  the  readers.     The 
threads  which  Jackson  distinguishes  in  the  web  of  the  Latin 


344 


THE  CLASSICAL  JOURNAL 


epyllion  are  woven  in  the  Aeneid,  as  in  the  ninth  book;  didactic: 
the  description  of  the  sluggish  Ganges  with  seven  mouths,  the 
psychological  question  as  to  whence  comes  fell  desire,  the  frigid 
derivation  of  the  name  Albani;  lyric:  the  poet's  memorial  to  the 
fallen  heroes,  and  the  cry  of  the  mother  over  her  son;  dramatic: 
the  exciting  story  of  the  capture  in  the  moonlight  filtering  through 
the  darkness  of  the  wood.  Heinze  rightly  refers  to  Hellenistic 
precedent  the  deftness  with  which  ecphrasis  is  introduced  in  the 
Aeneid;  Theocritus'  description  of  the  bowl  rouses  the  desire  of 
Thyrsis  to  sing,  and  the  erotic  and  rustic  characters  described  are 
entirely  in  keeping  with  the  shepherd's  life;  Moschus  in  the  story 
of  Europa  chose  well  to  inscribe  on  his  bowl  the  fate  of  lo;  the 
mantle  of  Jason  is  described  in  order  to  enhance  Hypsipyle's  desire, 
and  ApoUonius  was  careful  to  show  Phrixus  and  the  fleece  in  the 
embroideries  thereon.  The  influence  of  ecphrasis  upon  descriptive 
narrative  is  interesting;  the  expressions  at  parte  ex  alia  ....  alia 
parte  ....  diversa  in  parte  in  Kterary  descriptions  of  hfe  point 
to  this  model,  and  one  wonders  if  literary  contrast  was  furthered 
by  the  scenes  contrasted  in  Hellenistic  embroideries  and  paintings. 
How  strong  this  influence  was  in  Latin  poetry  is  shown  both  in 
actual  description  and  by  the  words  of  the  poet  of  the  Ciris,  who 
would  gladly  weave  a  philosophic  song  to  Caesar's  glory  as  tapestries 
wove  the  fame  of  heroes  and  gods. 

In  this  ecphrasis  we  trace  one  of  the  most  prominent  details  of 
Vergil's  form:  concentration,  due  partly  to  Callimachus,  partly,  as 
Heinze  remarks,  to  the  practical  requirements  of  recitation.  As 
Vergil,  so  Apollonius  begins  quickly,  with  the  coming  of  Jason  to 
PeKas,  or  passes  suddenly  from  the  heroic  to  the  erotic  sphere;  the 
miniatures  framed  by  est  locus,  the  abrupt  transitions  in  minor 
details,  the  parenthetic  remarks  and  neat  proverbial  sayings  of  the 
Aeneid  point  to  the  Alexandrians  and  the  Latin  neoteric  school. 
The  Hellenistic  epigram  can  at  times  be  traced:  addressed  by  the 
living  to  the  dead  Caieta  and  Palinurus  (vii.  1-4;  v.  871-72),  by  the 
dead  to  the  living,  in  the  words  of  Creusa  to  Aeneas  (ii.  788-89),  by 
the  host  to  his  guest,  the  thrifty  Evandrus  to  Aeneas  (viii.  364-65). 

In  the  more  intimate  phase  of  form,  that  of  diction,  only  few 
words,   comparatively,   can  be  traced  to  a  Hellenistic  source. 


ALEXANDRIAN  POETRY  AND  THE  ''AENEID'' 


345 


Norden  has  pointed  out  that  the  neoterics  replaced  the  old  word 
for  "cave"  or  ''grotto''— spelunca—hy  the  Hellenistic  ^vrpovy 
antrum;  it  is  interesting  to  note  the  frequent  recurrence  of  the 
older  Latin  word  in  the  story  of  Hercules  and  Cacus,  in  which 
Norden  traces  Ennian  influence.  Among  Hellenistic  words 
hyacinthusy  electruniy  calathus,  delphin  (Greek  form)  are  said  by 
Ladewig  to  have  been  introduced  by  Vergil ;  others  were  adopted  by 
him,  as  thalamus,  thiasus,  orgia,  Syrtis,  coma  (of  foliage).  For  the 
last,  note  the  lines: 

Numquam  fronde  levi  fundet  virgulta  nee  umbras 
cum  semel  in  silvis  imo  de  stirpe  recisum 
matre  caret  posuitque  comas  et  bracchia  ferro 
olim  arbos. 

The  use  of  bracchia = rami  is  neoteric;  and  the  fanciful  matre  caret 
recalls  Moero's  lines  on  the  cluster  of  grapes: 

ovo  In  T04  fuxTrip  iparov  ir€p\  Kkrjpja.  fiaXova-a 
^ixrci  xnrep  /cparos  vcxrapcov  irerakov. 

Certain  names  of  flowers,  as  hyacinthus,  crocus,  papaver,  narcissus, 
anethum,  amaracus,  rosa,  viola  (Bubbe,  De  meta,  Graecorum),  were 
probably  popularized  in  Alexandrian  and  neoteric  literature  imder 
the  influence  of  the  tales  connected  with  them.  Rare  words,  as 
in  Alexandrian  poetry,  were  certainly  introduced  or  adopted  by 
Vergil,  and  Servius  occasionally  marks  a  word  of  his  as  "neoteric." 
It  is  significant,  moreover,  that  Cholmeley's  instances  of 
rhetorical  diction  in  Theocritus  apply  very  closely  to  Vergil  here; 
for  example,  we  find  in  the  first  and  the  second  book  of  the  Aeneid 
(the  instances  given  are  only  those  which  have  come  readily  to 
hand) : 

Neat  antithesis  of  lines: 

Hac  fugerent  Grai,  premeret  Troiana  inventus, 
hac  Phryges,  instaret  cumi  cristatus  Achilles. 

Division  of  line  into  two  rhythmic  units: 

Hostis  habet  muros;  ruit  alto  a  culmine  Troia. 
Closing  of  a  period  of  verses  by  a  line  complete  in  itself: 

Hand  secus  Androgeos  visu  tremefactus  abibat 
[following  the  simile  of  the  hidden  snake]. 


346 


THE  CLASSICAL  JOURNAL 


Anaphora,  with  conjunction: 

Vestnim  hoc  augurium,  vestroque  in  numine  Troia  est. 
Anaphora,  without  conjunction  (common)  : 
Talis  erat  Dido,  talem  se  laeta  ferebat. 
'ETraj^aSiTrXoxTts : 

Mirantur  dona  Aeneas,  mirantur  lulum; 

or,  at  beginning  of  Une,  to  convey  fresh  detail,  and  with  change  of 
accent,  a  characteristically  Hellenistic  feature: 

Ecce  autem  telis  Panthus  elapsus  Achivmn, 
Panthus  Othryades  .... 

(the  Theocritean  bravah['!r\(^(ns  in  the  fifth  foot, with  bucohc  caesura, 
appears  in  this  neat  line  from  Book  xii: 

Deserit  et  muros  et  summas  deserit  arces). 
Triplets  of  expression: 

Tu  mihi  quodcumque  hoc  regni,  tu  sceptra  lovemque 
concilias,  tu  das  epulis  accumbere  divum 

(the  use  of  ter  or  tres  in  threefold  and  twofold  repetition  is  notable 
in  Apollonius  and  in  Vergil). 

Repetition  of  word  from  main  to  subordinate  clause: 

Ilium  expirantem  transfixo  pectore  flammas 
turbine  corripuit  scopuloque  infixit  acuto. 

Traductio: 

Sic  Venus:  et  Veneris  contra  sic  filius  orsus. 
Paronomasia: 

Falle  dolo  et  notos  pueri  puer  indue  vultus. 

The  inversion  of  particles  in  Vergil  Norden  notes  as  also  of  HeUen- 
istic  character. 

One  word  on  meter.  Here  again  we  may  dupUcate  HeUenistic 
usage  in  applying  Kirby  Flower  Smith's  examples  of  Hellenistic 
workmanship  in  the  elegiacs  of  TibuUus  to  the  second  book  of  the 
Aeneid.    Assonance  of  the  type: 

Tunc  vitula  innumeros  lustrabat  caesa  iuvencos  [Tib.  i.  i,  21]: 

is  common,  beginning  with  line  31;  the  reverse  type,  substantive- 
adjective,  is  represented  in  line  246: 

Tunc  etiam/a/w  aperit  Cassandra /w/wrt^. 


ALEXANDRIAN  POETRY  AND  THE  "AENEW 


347 


There  are  three  examples  of  the  type: 

Spicea  quae  templi  pendeat  SLute  fores  [Tib.  i.  i,  16]: 

beginning  at  line  119: 

AiigoUca.    vulgi  quae  vox  ut  venit  ad  auris; 

three  examples  join  verb  and  object,  as  in  the  line: 

Maluerit  praedas  stultus  et  anna  sequi  [Tib.  i.  2,  66]; 

cf.  line  288: 

Sed  graviter  gemitus  imo  de  pectore  ducens. 
To  the  type 

Nam  neque  tunc  plumae  nee  stragula  picta  soporem  [Tib.  i.  2,  77] 
corresponds  line  in: 

Interclusit  hiems  et  temiit  Auster  eunfis. 
The  ablative  at  either  pause: 

Totus  et  argento  contextus  totus  et  auro  [Tib.  i.  2,  69] 
finds  a  neat  equal  in  line  221: 

Perfusus  sanie  vittas  atroque  veneno. 
T^e  aWa  variety  (with  accusative  instead  of  ablative)  appears  in 

SoHemnis  taurum  ingentem  mactabat  ad  aias; 
with  ablative  in  line  211: 

Sibila  lambebant  Unguis  vibrantibus  ora. 
The  abab  variety  is  found  in  line  489: 

Turn  pavidae  tectis  matres  ingentibus  errant. 
The  source  of  Vergil's  artisticaUy  descriptive  rhythm  is  disputed, 
but  It  IS  e^^dent  that  the  famous  labyrinth  painting  of  Catullus  and 
of  Vergil  finds  its  forerunner  in  Callimachus. 

..,  ^^ff  ?f^^^  ""^^  '^^^  ^"^  ^"^  ^°°i«  introductory  sketch  of 
the  field  of  Alexandrian  influence  over  these  books  of  the  Aeneid 
In  Its  preparation  I  have  drawn  largely,  as  is  inevitable,  upon  the 
storehouse  of  material  contained  in  Heinze's  Vergils  Epische 
Techmk  mNoxden's  edition  of  Book  vi,  and  in  the  editions  of 
Heyne  Forbiger,  and  Jahn.  Heumann's  thesis  De  Epyllio  Alexan- 
drtno,  Couat  s  well-known  book,  and  Mirmont's  work  on  the  gods 
in  ApoUomus  and  Vergil  are  also  to  be  added  to  the  authorities 
mibedded  m  my  text. 


THE  DIRECT  METHOD  IN  LATIN:   RESULTS 


'4\ 

•1 1 


By  Edward  C.  Chickering 
Jamaica  High  School,  New  York  City 


In  the  discussion  of  any  experiment  the  question  which  obviously 
strikes  at  the  root  of  the  matter  is:  What  are  the  absolutely  definite 
results  ?  And  this  question  is  distinctly  pertinent  when  so  radical 
an  experiment  as  that  of  the  direct  method  in  Latin  is  under  con- 
sideration. 

It  has  been  my  privilege  to  have  a  share  in  what  is  probably  the 
most  extensive  experiment  in  this  country,  at  least  as  far  as  the 
number  of  pupils  affected  is  concerned,  in  the  direct  method  of 
teaching  Latin.  In  Jamaica  High  School,  New  York  City,  there  are 
about  500  pupils  studying  the  subject,  and  the  present  first-term 
class  contains  about  140,  taught  in  four  sections. 

The  work  is  now  entering  upon  its  fourth  year,  and  consequently 
three  successive  classes  have  finished  the  first  two  years.  Because 
of  the  present  status  of  requirements  made  by  authority  outside 
the  school  itself,  including  the  admission  regulations  of  coUeges, 
these  first  two  years  are  typical  of  the  direct  method  in  far  greater 
degree  than  are  the  two  which  follow;  for  there,  obviously,  the 
course  must  adapt  itself  more  closely  to  conventional  require- 
ments. Eventually  we  hope  to  see  certain  definite  modifications 
made  in  the  curriculum  of  these  years  also,  but  at  present  the  direct 
method  simply  has  the  position  of  a  fundamentaUy  different 
approach  to  the  reading  of  Cicero  and  of  Vergil. 

The  way  in  which  I  have  chosen  to  set  forth  the  facts  as  they 
are  now  developed  is  this.  The  University  of  the  State  of  New  York 
(the  Board  of  Regents),  which  controls  the  entire  educational 
system  of  the  state,  has  authorized  a  direct-method  Latin  examina- 
tion, based  upon  two  years'  work,  and  has  given  it  equal  credit 
with  the' conventional  examination  in  Caesar.  This  examination 
was  first  given  in  June,  1914,  and  has  since  been  given  in  January 
and  in  June,  1915.  The  first  of  these  three  papers,  as  is  so  often 
the  case  with  matters  entirely  without  precedent,  was  not  typical 

348 


-.-_*». 


